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The Ifugao “hagabi” or zoomorphic lounging bench has become one of the most desirable indigenous art in the Philippine collecting scene not only for its modern appeal, but for its rarity and sociocultural importance in the Ifugao society. Roy Franklin Barton described the hagabi in his book Ifugao Law (1919) as “a lounge cut out of a large tree trunk [which] is the insignia of the upper class Ifugao . . .” Unlike the regular lounges, the seat of a hagabi should be pointy in the middle referencing the high-peaked thatched roof of the traditional Ifugao four-stilted house (“bale”). On both ends of the hagabi (“ngiwit”) are abstracted animal heads with long snout and big ears. While early literature describes the heads as “goat-like” or “guinulgulding”, they could also be pig heads which are the main offertory animals in agricultural rituals with which the status and wealth of the landowning kadangyans are intimately tied with. The hagabi must also be hewn from a single trunk of the narra wood to represent wholeness and family solidarity. In other words, the hagabi is really a bicephalous lounging bench shaped like a bale that symbolically signifies the family’s state of bounty. This hagabi tradition is exclusive and unique to the village of Kiangan in Ifugao, the oldest among the Ifugao settlements. In the Kiangan traditional society, only a “kadangyan” or those from the highest and wealthiest class in the Ifugao society can commission and own a hagabi. Raymundo Baguilat’s paper entitled “The Ifugao Hagabi” (1940) explains the process of the making of the hagabi in detail. He contextualized the hagabi by first laying down that the greatest ambition of every Ifugao is to attain the rank of “kadangyan” by giving a great public feast called “uya-uy” that begins with twenty (20) consecutive days of dancing and culminates in three (3) full days of eating and drinking. This requires tremendous resources that one must be very wealthy to afford the holding of such festivities. Once one has become a “kadangyan”, his ascension to the rank is culminated by giving another feast called the “hagabi”, where the long hardwood lounging bench of the same name, is commissioned. Baguilat noted that even if one can afford to hold the “hagabi” feast, custom requires that one must also wait for the time of the year known as “tialgo”, when rice is scarce and many people are hungry. The first step to the ritual is the holding of the ceremony called the “mamaldang” where the mumbaki (“village priests”) are summoned to find out whether the gods favor the step by killing some chickens and study the gall- bladder and the bile. If the gall-bladder is small and pale, this is interpreted as an unfavorable and the hagabi feast is postponed. But once the go-signal has been given by the gods, then the next phase begins with the woodcutters and carpenters (“munhabat”) going deep to the forest to carefully select a big narra or ipil tree to be cut down and fashioned into a hagabi. When the hagabi is finished, many people would join the munhabat in the forest to bring it out by taking turn to carry it across mountains and rivers. It is a much-anticipated moment of fun, merriment and even an opportunity for men to showcase their physical strength. Carabao meat, pork and plenty of rice wine are served at every stop. As wine takes effect and everyone gets intoxicated, the task gets harder and harder as the carriers struggle with the weight of the hagabi. When the hagabi arrives at the house of the one who gives the feast, the people throw each other balls of boiled glutinous rice (“dayacot”) in celebration. Once the hagabi is installed, three days of eating, drinking, and dancing follows at the account of the commissioning kadangyan. Being too big to be taken in, the hagabi is placed under eaves of the bale where it is always visible to the entire community. The hagabi is not the just an emblem of wealth and prestige of the kadangyan, but symbolic of the responsibility he assumed to provide when the resources are scarce. Very few families can afford the resources, manpower and preparation to bring a hagabi to life that it has become the distinguishing mark of those who were able to. Unfortunately, the tremendous expense in commissioning the hagabi also caused the eventual demise of the tradition. The entry of the Americans in Ifugao in the early 20th century did not only bring Christianity to the unconquered Ifugao lands, but weakened traditional socio-cultural structures and values that the new generation of rich Ifugaos find little use to the wooden coach given the expense it requires. Some rather opted to build a modern concrete house or acquire a car which are really the modern hallmarks of what it is to be wealthy. As early as 1940, Raymundo Baguilat already remarked in his paper entitled “The Ifugao Hagabi” that “much of the color of the hagabi has been lost.” It is estimated that in the last 150 years, less than 50 families in Kiangan have either performed the hagabi ritual or descended from ancestors who have once performed the ritual (“himmagabi”). A very lean figure compared to the sheer abundance of hagabis in museums all over the world, private collections, and those in the peddled market that should put a potential buyer on his toes. The hagabi also rarely survives. While it may be protected by the eaves of the bale yet it is still exposed to the elements, exposing it to cycles of solar radiation, rain, and changes in the humidity which affect its integrity and stability. Termites and vermins can likewise irreversibly damage the hagabi since they are placed outdoors and in contact with the ground. Likewise, as recounted by old time runners and dealers, procuring a hagabi in situ is likewise a complicated affair as selling kadangyans would often seek full reimbursement or the return of the full cost to commission one which often result to an unconscionable price tag, thus, rarely afforded by outsiders. The present piece being presented by Leon Gallery was recently discovered in Tokyo, Japan. It measures almost 12 feet in length and 2 feet in width. Its owner, Hiroshi Ogawa, is a noted Japanese primitive art dealer in Tokyo who has been dealing with African Primitive Art for more than 45 years ago. He purchased the hagabi while he was living in the Philippines 47 years ago from the noted Filipino collectordealer Osmundo “Omeng” Esguerra, who in turn bought it from French dealer Thierry David who is another known figure in Philippine indigenous art dealing and collecting. Based on his recollection, Thierry David is said to have found and acquired the hagabi in Baguio City. While there is no further information as regards the ownership prior to him, we can see the name “Kid Dave” etched on the hagabi which could refer to the previous owner. This opens the possibility that like many Ifugao objects, it may have been collected during the American Colonial period, brought to Baguio City, and kept in one of the American colonial houses in the city until it was discovered and bought by Mr. David. This archaic specimen undeniably carries the hallmarks expected from an authentic hagabi of great age. Stylistically speaking, the piece has the delicateness, fluidity and muted elegance of old and authentic Ifugao objects which can no longer be replicated. This aesthetic has appealed to many noted Japanese collectors like Hiro Kobayshi, Hiroshi Ogawa and many others that many Ifugao materials have ended in Japan. Newer hagabi reproductions are often stylistically flat and too thick, revealing the modern carvers’ instinct to maximize the wood that has become extremely hard to procure at the size that the hagabi requires. A real hagabi should also not have the same surface as an indoor furniture since it is kept partly outdoor. This incorrect patina is often observed in reproductions that are often stored indoor and used for years to achieve the sheen and worn surface. While worn surface patina is expected in a real hagabi in parts sat on or frequently touched, the presence of surface cracking, roughness, and time-induced weathering that exposes the grain separate the authentic old ones from hasty reproductions. The current specimen has all the expected weathering given its great age, but likewise in a good, stable and well-preserved condition. The desired balance that is extremely rare to find and, often, much desired.